Conservative family

Christian democracy

c. 1891–
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Christian democracy applies Catholic social teaching to modern politics, accepting democracy and the market while rejecting both liberal individualism and socialist collectivism in favour of an organic account of society built on the family, the association, and vocation.

Its organizing principle is subsidiarity: matters should be handled by the smallest competent authority, with larger bodies assisting rather than absorbing smaller ones. Paired with solidarity — a binding obligation to the poor and to the dignity of labour — it yields support for both a welfare state and a strong civil society independent of it, occupying a distinctive centre that is neither laissez-faire nor statist.

It is not merely a philosophy but one of the great governing forces of modern Europe. Founded on papal encyclicals from Rerum Novarum (1891) onward, it supplied the parties — Germany's CDU, Italy's Christian Democrats, and their neighbours — that rebuilt Western Europe after 1945, anchored the social market economy, and drove European integration under figures like Adenauer, De Gasperi, and Schuman.

Its internal range runs from a more conservative, clerical wing to a progressive, social-reform wing, and in Latin America and elsewhere it has taken markedly different forms. What unites them is grounding politics in a theological account of the human person rather than in tradition, nation, or class.

Its critics on the left see a smoothing-over of real class conflict in the language of harmony and organic unity; secular critics question a politics resting on religious premises in plural societies; and as church attendance has fallen, the tradition has had to decide how Christian a 'Christian' democracy can still claim to be.

It is easily mistaken for ordinary secular conservatism, but its foundation is different: the dignity of the human person prior to both the market and the state, from which its whole distinctive shape — welfare plus subsidiarity, solidarity plus private property — is derived.

Why it is placed here — Econ × Social

Deliberately centrist: markets accepted, their outcomes tempered by obligation, and authority treated as legitimate but bounded.

Why it is placed here — Liberty × Equality

Near the centre on both, with guarantees expected from family, church, and association as much as from the state.

Subsidiarity is not a point between 'state' and 'society' but a rule about which level should act for a given task. The axis reads a structured principle as a middling preference, losing exactly what distinguishes the tradition.
Why it is placed here — Order × Change

Order-leaning and firmly gradual, having been built as a stabilizing settlement rather than a programme of transformation.

Why it is placed here — Universal × Particular

Universal in its theological claims but thick in the community it presupposes — parish, family, and association are where the doctrine lives.

Why it is placed here — Individual × Collective

Between individual and collective by design: the person, not the individual, is the unit, and duties are strongly positive.

What the whole instrument misses
The instrument has no axis for the level at which a decision should be taken, which is this tradition's central structural idea. It also cannot register a theological anthropology — the claim that the human person has a dignity prior to politics — that grounds every position the doctrine takes.
Sources
  • Pope Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, 1891
  • Pope Pius XI, Quadragesimo Anno, 1931
  • Jacques Maritain, Integral Humanism, 1936