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Left-libertarianism

c. 1970s–
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Left-libertarianism accepts full self-ownership but denies that natural resources may be appropriated unilaterally. The earth's raw material — land, minerals, the atmosphere — is owned in some egalitarian way by everyone, so those who take more than an equal share owe compensation to all the rest.

The result is a position that fuses a libertarian premise with an egalitarian conclusion. Because people own themselves and what they make but not the world they find, there can be no forced labour and no paternalism, yet a robust redistributive claim follows — grounded not in need or desert but in the simple fact that natural resources were nobody's to begin with. In practice it points toward a universal basic income or 'citizen's dividend' funded from resource rents.

It is a small but rigorous academic tradition — Steiner, Otsuka, Van Parijs and the basic-income movement — that revives much older arguments: Thomas Paine's Agrarian Justice (1797) already proposed compensating everyone for their lost share of the commons, and the position connects directly to Georgist and mutualist thinking about land.

Its internal dispute is technical but consequential: how the initial equal share is specified — an equal division, a Lockean 'enough and as good left for others,' or an equal claim on the total value — determines how redistributive the view turns out to be, from modest to sweeping.

Critics on the right deny that unowned resources generate any enforceable claim, so the whole redistributive apparatus collapses; critics on the left counter that focusing on natural resources leaves the ownership of factories, firms, and accumulated capital — the real engines of inequality — untouched.

Because it sounds paradoxical — libertarian and egalitarian at once — it is often assumed to be a contradiction or a fudge, when it is a coherent position that simply refuses the usual pairing of self-ownership with unlimited property in land.

Why it is placed here — Econ × Social

Egalitarian on resource ownership yet maximally liberty-side — a corner the standard compass treats as nearly empty.

This projection reads 'collective economy' as state direction, which the position explicitly rejects. Its egalitarianism is about the ownership of natural resources, not about who commands production, and the axis cannot tell the two apart.
Why it is placed here — Liberty × Equality

Equality-first on resources while insisting society rather than the state is the guarantor — the combination that defines the position.

Why it is placed here — Order × Change

Change-oriented with genuinely unsettled means, from tax-and-dividend reform to more thoroughgoing reconstruction of property.

Why it is placed here — Universal × Particular

Universalist and thin: the claim on natural resources is owed to everyone alive, not to a particular people.

Why it is placed here — Individual × Collective

Individual as the unit of concern, but with a strong positive duty of compensation arising from resource appropriation.

What the whole instrument misses
The instrument's economic axis assumes ownership of production is the question, so a doctrine whose whole argument turns on the ownership of *land* has nowhere natural to sit. It appears as an oddity or a contradiction rather than as the coherent position it is.
Sources
  • Hillel Steiner, An Essay on Rights, 1994
  • Michael Otsuka, Libertarianism without Inequality, 2003