Liberal family

Libertarianism (right)

c. 1955– · also: minarchism, right-libertarianism
Depth
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Right-libertarianism treats self-ownership and the non-aggression principle as near-absolute constraints: each person fully owns themselves and whatever they justly acquire, and no one — not even a democratic majority — may override that for a greater good. The state, if it is permitted at all, is confined to protecting person, property, and contract.

Its central argument runs from self-ownership to a minimal, night-watchman state. Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974) contended that only such a state can arise without itself violating rights, and that any 'patterned' distribution — everyone equal, or everyone above a floor — cannot be maintained without continuous interference in voluntary exchange between consenting adults. Redistributive taxation is therefore characterized, quite literally, as a species of forced labour.

Its lineage is intellectual more than governmental: Rand's popular novels, the Austrian economists, Rothbard's activism, and the American Libertarian Party. No state has ever been built to its specification, though its influence shows in deregulation, tax revolt, school-choice, and drug-decriminalization movements, and in a durable strand of American politics hostile to federal power.

Its internal range runs from minarchists, who accept courts, police, and national defence as the irreducible core, to the anarcho-capitalist wing that denies even those and would supply law and protection on the market. The lower edge of the placement marks that dispute — whether the tradition's own premises permit any state at all.

The recurring criticism is that it measures freedom only against the state and is blind to private power: an employer, a monopolist, or a landlord can coerce as effectively as a government, yet registers on this axis as pure liberty. Critics also press the starting point — that original property titles trace back through conquest and expropriation, not a clean chain of just acquisition.

It is easily caricatured as mere selfishness, but its core is a moral claim about the inviolability of the person: that individuals are ends in themselves whom even a well-meaning majority may not use as means.

Why it is placed here — Econ × Social

Anchors the market-and-liberty corner with a narrow region; on this projection the doctrine is unusually determinate.

Why it is placed here — Liberty × Equality

Liberty-first at the limit, with society and voluntary association rather than the state as guarantor.

Why it is placed here — Order × Change

Drawn tall because means are genuinely disputed: incrementalists work through existing institutions while others argue the required change is closer to a rupture.

Why it is placed here — Universal × Particular

Universalist and thin: rights attach to persons as such, and community is treated as voluntary association rather than inherited membership.

Why it is placed here — Individual × Collective

The purest case on this projection: individual as unit, duties strictly negative.

What the whole instrument misses
The compass flatters the position by placing it at an extreme of 'liberty' without ever asking whose. Concentrations of private power — an employer, a monopolist, a landlord — are invisible to an axis that measures only the state, which is precisely the critics' objection.
Sources
  • Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia, 1974
  • Murray N. Rothbard, For a New Liberty: The Libertarian Manifesto, 1973