Religious political thought

Political Islamism

c. 1928– · also: Islamism
Depth
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Political Islamism holds that Islam is a complete system (din wa dawla, religion and state) governing public as well as private life, and that a legitimate political order should be grounded in Islamic law, or sharia, rather than in secular, liberal, or purely national principles.

It arose in the twentieth century as a response to colonial rule and to the secular nationalism that succeeded it. Its foundational movement, the Muslim Brotherhood (founded 1928), and thinkers like Maududi and Qutb argued that societies not ordered by divine sovereignty had lapsed into a new jahiliyya — the 'ignorance' of the pre-Islamic age — which Muslims were obliged to overturn and replace with an Islamic state.

Its trajectory has been strikingly varied. The Iranian Revolution of 1979 produced a Shia clerical state; Sunni movements have governed or contested power in Egypt, Turkey, Tunisia, and Gaza; the Afghan Taliban imposed a severe version; and a jihadist fringe, from al-Qaeda to ISIS, split off toward global insurgency and terrorism.

The category is therefore broad and internally divided, spanning movements committed to elections and gradual reform, others to revolution, and a violent minority — factions that disagree fundamentally over democracy, pluralism, women's rights, and the permissibility of force. What groups them is a shared premise about the source of law, not a shared programme.

Its critics, secular and religious alike, argue that fusing religious and state authority threatens minorities, dissenters, and women, and that 'the sharia state' papers over deep disputes about what Islamic governance actually requires; its defenders answer that Western secularism is not the neutral default it claims to be but one contestable settlement among others.

Every axis on this instrument presupposes that religion and politics occupy separable spheres — which is the very premise Islamism most explicitly denies, so the map can only describe it in a vocabulary it rejects.

Why it is placed here — Econ × Social

Authority-leaning with a wide economic range, since movements within the category adopt very different positions on markets, welfare, and property.

Why it is placed here — Liberty × Equality

State-as-guarantor of a religiously grounded order, with liberty and equality defined within that order rather than as prior claims against it.

Why it is placed here — Order × Change

Drawn very tall: the category contains gradualist electoral currents and revolutionary ones, whose means place them at opposite ends of this axis.

Why it is placed here — Universal × Particular

Universal in its claim about divine law's authority yet mobilized through particular communities and nations, so the region straddles.

The axis reads universal and particular as a single trade-off. This tradition makes a universal claim — that divine sovereignty binds everywhere — while operating through particular national and communal movements, and the projection cannot hold both, especially since Western categories of religion and politics assume a separation the tradition denies.
Why it is placed here — Individual × Collective

The community of believers is the primary unit, with strongly positive duties framed as obligations under divine law.

What the whole instrument misses
Every projection assumes politics and religion occupy separable spheres, which is the premise this tradition most explicitly rejects. An instrument built on that separation cannot represent a doctrine whose first claim is that the separation is illegitimate.
Sources
  • Sayyid Qutb, Milestones (Ma'alim fi al-Tariq), 1964
  • Abul A'la Maududi, The Islamic Law and Constitution, 1955